Rupert made this comment under my post, The Perils of 'Populist Chic':
Patrick, I do not understand from this post what you mean by populism or why it is objectionable.
It seems to me you are saying that some people who call themselves conservative are populist (and therefore bad), while some are non-populist or anti-populist (and therefore good). If you could give some examples and explain what's behind the labels, it would help me understand.
I also don't understand what is admirable about William F. Buckley and what is terrible about Sarah Palin. I do not have strong feelings about these people, but I'd like to understand why they are regarded so differently and what that has to do with whether they are populist.
Well, I answered the last bit: "I also don't understand what is admirable about William F. Buckley and what is terrible about Sarah Palin" by wondering if Rupert was too young to understand the importance of Buckley and the relative insignificance of Palin. But I left the difficult first part till last.
Okay, I'll start with some
generally accepted definitions of populism:
One of the latest of these is the definition by Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell who, in their volume Twenty-First Century Populism, define populism as "an ideology which pits a virtuous and homogeneous people against a set of elites and dangerous ‘others’ who are together depicted as depriving (or attempting to deprive) the sovereign people of their rights, values, prosperity, identity and voice."
...
Populists are seen by some politicians as a largely democratic and positive force in society, even while a wing of scholarship in political science contends that populist mass movements are irrational and introduce instability into the political process.
...
It is believed by some that populist movements can be precursors for, or building blocks for, fascist movements. Conspiracist scapegoating employed by various populist movements can create "a seedbed for fascism." National socialist populism interacted with and facilitated fascism in interwar Germany. In this case, distressed middle–class populists during the pre-Nazi Weimar period mobilized their anger at government and big business. The Nazis "parasitized the forms and themes of the populists and moved their constituencies far to the right through ideological appeals involving demagoguery, scapegoating, and conspiracism." According to Fritzsche: The Nazis expressed the populist yearnings of middle–class constituents and at the same time advocated a strong and resolutely anti-Marxist mobilization....Against "unnaturally" divisive parties and querulous organized interest groups, National Socialists cast themselves as representatives of the commonwealth, of an allegedly betrayed and neglected German public....[b]reaking social barriers of status and caste, and celebrating at least rhetorically the populist ideal of the people’s community...
Populism has been a common political phenomenon throughout history. Spartacus could be considered a famous example of a populist leader of ancient times through his slave rebellion against the rulers of Ancient Rome. In fact, such leaders of the Roman Republic as Gaius Marius, Julius Caesar, and Caesar Augustus were called populares, as all used referendums to go over the Roman Senate's head and establish the laws that they saw fit.
And we saw where that led: a dictatorship, the end of the Roman Republic and the beginning of the Caesars' and the Empire. We've seen how, in modern Europe, populism gave rise to the French Revolution and all its montrous offspring: Communism, Fascism and National Socialism. And Populism has long been a political force in South America:
Populism has been an important force in Latin American political history. In Latin America, many charismatic leaders have emerged since the 20th century. Populism in Latin America has been traced by some to concepts taken from Perón's Third Position. Populist practitioners in Latin America usually adapt politically to the prevailing mood of the nation, moving within the ideological spectrum from left to right many times during their political lives. Latin American countries have not always had a clear and consistent political ideology under populism. Most of these countries cannot be as clearly and easily divided between liberals and conservatives, as in the United States, or between social-democrats and Christian-democrats as in European countries. Nevertheless, the more recent pattern that has emerged in Latin American populists has been decidedly socialist populism that appeals to masses of poor by promising redistributive policies and state control of the nation's energy resources.
...
Often adapting a nationalist vocabulary and rhetorically convincing, populism was used to appeal to broad masses while remaining ideologically ambivalent. Notwithstanding, there have been notable exceptions. 21st Century Latin-American populist leaders have had a decidedly socialist bent.
...
The US has intervened in Latin American governments on many occasions where populism has threatened its interests: the interventions in Guatemala, when the populist Arbenz government was overthrown by a coup backed by the American company United Fruit and the American ambassador in 1954, and Augusto Pinochet's Chilean coup in 1973 are just two cases of American intervention. Daniel Ortega's Sandinista government in Nicaragua was also viewed as a threat to US foreign policy during the Cold War, leading the United States to place an embargo on trade with the Sandinista's Soviet-sponsored regime in 1985 as well as supporting anti-Sandinista rebels.
...
Populism has nevertheless remained a significant force in Latin America. Populism has recently been re-appearing on the left with promises of far-reaching socialist changes as seen in Venezuela under Hugo Chavez.
...
In the 21st century, the large numbers of voters in extreme poverty in Latin America have remained a bastion of support for new populist candidates. By early 2008 governments with varying forms of populist governments with some form of left leaning social democratic or democratic socialist platform had come to dominate virtually all Latin American nations with the exceptions of Colombia, El Salvador and Mexico. This political shift includes both more developed Nations such as Brazil with its ruling Workers' Party, Argentina's Front for Victory and the Socialist Party of Chile Populist candidates have been defeated in middle-income countries such as Mexico, in part by comparing them to Venezuela's controversial Hugo Chavez, whose socialist policies have been used to scare the middle class.
...
Wherever governments in Latin America maintain high rates of poverty and yet support unpopular privatizations and more orthodox economic policies without quickly delivering gains to enough people, they will continue to come under pressure from populist politicians who accuse them of focusing on securing more benefits for the upper and upper-middle classes rather than the people as represented by those in poverty and extreme poverty, and for being allied to foreign and business interests.
Meanwhile in the USA:
[T]here was the Greenback Party, the Progressive Party of 1912 led by Theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party of 1924 led by Robert M. La Follette, Sr., and the Share Our Wealth movement of Huey Long in 1933-35. George Wallace, Four-Term Governor of Alabama, led a populist movement that carried five states and won 13.5% of the popular vote in the 1968 presidential election. Campaigning against intellectuals and liberal reformers, Wallace gained a large share of the white working class vote in Democratic primaries in 1972.
Populism continues to be a force in modern U.S. politics, especially in the 1992 and 1996 third-party presidential campaigns of billionaire Ross Perot. The 1996, 2000, 2004, and the 2008 presidential campaigns of Ralph Nader had a strong populist cast. The 2004 campaigns of Dennis Kucinich and Al Sharpton also had populist elements. The 2004 and 2008 Democratic presidential candidate John Edwards has been described by many (and by himself) as a "one economic community, one commonwealth" populist. In the 2008 presidential elections Governor Mike Huckabee had an economic populist message supporting Main Street America and supporting the Fairtax.
...
Over time, there have been several versions of a Populist Party in the United States, inspired by the People's Party of the 1890s. This was the party of the early U.S. populist movement in which millions of farmers and other working people successfully enacted their anti-trust agenda.
In 1984, the Populist Party name was revived by Willis Carto, and was used in 1988 as a vehicle for the presidential campaign of former Ku Klux Klan leader, and later member of both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party, David Duke. Right-wing Patriot movement organizer Bo Gritz was briefly Duke's running mate. This maligned incarnation of Populism was widely regarded as a vehicle for white supremacist recruitment. In this instance, populism was maligned using a definition of "the people" which was not the prevailing definition.
...
In 1995, the Reform Party of the United States of America (RPUSA) was organized after the populist presidential campaign of Ross Perot in 1992. In the year 2000, an intense fight for the presidential nomination made Patrick J. Buchanan the RPUSA standard-bearer. As result of his nomination ans party candidate there were many party splits, no only from Buchanan supporters after he left the party but also moderates, progressivists and libertarians around Jesse Ventura who refused to collaborate with the Buchanan candidacy. Since then the party's fortunes have markedly declined.
The reason that I titled this post "Populism versus the bourgeoisie" is because it helps me to define what I think of populism. Populism, by its very nature, can only achieve power in democratic societies. Obviously populism was not viable under aristocracies and monarchies. Thus I define populism as democratic mob rule and the opposite of republican bourgeoisism (which is an awkward word but I can't think of a better one right now.)
Our Founding Fathers were bourgeois. They did not envisage a democracy - which they equated with mob rule. At the founding of our republic, most states allowed only landowners (the bourgeoisie) to vote. Being a landowner is one definition of bourgeois.
Here are some others:
Historically, the bourgeoisie were a social class of people, characterised by their ownership of capital and the related culture. They were a part of the middle or merchant classes of European feudalism, where their power came from employment, education, and wealth, as distinguished from those whose power came from being born into an aristocratic family of land owners. The bourgeoisie emerged from late feudal and early modern towns, through the control of long distance trade and petty manufacture. In contemporary capitalist societies, the term bourgeoisie is often used as a metaphor for the rich or influential or their lifestyle and values.
...
The term bourgeoisie has been widely used as an approximate equivalent of upper class under capitalism. The word also evolved to mean merchants and traders, and until the 19th century was mostly synonymous with the middle class (persons in the broad socioeconomic spectrum between nobility and peasants or proletarians). As the power and wealth of the nobility faded in the second half of the 19th century, and that of the merchant and commercial classes came to be dominant, the bourgeoisie emerged, by definition, as the replacement of the deposed nobility and the new ruling class.
...
Marxism defines the bourgeoisie as the social class which owns the means of production in a capitalist society. As such, the core of the modern bourgeosie is industrial bourgeosie, which obtains income by hiring workers to put in motion their capital, which is to say, their means of production - machines, tools, raw material, etc. Besides that, other bourgeois sectors also exist, notedly the commercial bourgeoisie, that earns income from commercial activities such as the buying and selling of commodities, wares, and services.
So, to me, populism is the opposite of bourgeoisism. I'm one of those "elitist" snobs who detests the
17th Amendment and rues the day that the President was elected by a popular vote. I prefer that "landowners" and businessmen (yep - like me) make those decisions. I do not want Glenn Beck and a bunch of semi-literate opportunist talk-show pundits telling what to think or making decisions for me.
Buckley saved the GOP from the populism of the
John Birch Society (with which our current populists, like Beck, have a lot in common.) To me the GOP was the bourgeois party, the party of the independent-minded, self-reliant, responsible middle class, not the Democratic Plantation Party of slaves and their pseudo-aristocratic slave-owners.
Populism to me means following (and pandering to) the lowest common denominator instead of inspiring people to be better than their base instincts. But I will concede that American populism has achieved some good in the USA. It's a mixed bag but I'd rather put my money on the cautious and conservative middle-class than the radically
revanchist populists.
Populism has been the ideology behind the Plantation Party since William Jennings Bryan.